The Future Israel
Celebrating Israel’s 60th calls for rejoicing and reflection, to take inspiration from our accomplishments and engage in some soul searching in order to truly move forward. Yet, one can’t help but
digress from the idea of Israel’s 60th and wondering instead about the 70th or 80th milestone. Where will Israel be? Will Israel be? With these precarious times, in this moment of change, who’s
really happy with the status quo? Everyone wants different social and political transformations, whether it’s the thousands living below the poverty line, the residents of Sderot, or the
Palestinians. Everyone wants change, even if they don’t want the same thing.
Our generation waves a flag and sings the Ha’Tikva whilst totally ignoring serious confrontation with the issues that face Israel. Our love must come with substance, with a
desire to constantly strive towards creating the state that Herzl dreamed about that would be strong enough to be a “light onto the nations.” Together, our journey towards this “ideal” has only
begun--Israel is 60 years young after all!
Will Israel have a constitution?
When the Constitution Assembly first met in 1949, they discovered that they could not agree on a written constitution. Israel does not yet have a constitution. The reason is
still the same today as it was then. This reason is the state’s fear of division and inner conflict. A constitution defines what exactly the state of Israel ought to be, a question that has not yet
been answered. It establishes the basic principles and values. The most integral aspect of a constitution is that it places a limit on government power and prevents tyranny of the majority,
protecting basic human rights. Some argue that a constitution would help speed the “melting-pot process” that would cohere social divisions to bring the will of compromise to opposing factions. A
constitution that gives all groups a sense of belonging to the community is highly needed. It can therefore bridge gaps and become a source of unity for the divisive religious and cultural
groups.
Despite the slim prospects of gaining a constitution any time soon, the discussion and debate on the nature and identity of Israel is beneficent in itself.
It brings us to confront some of the most challenging questions regarding the state. There are too many issues raised regarding the constitution, such as the Arabs fear of marginalization and the ultra-Orthodox’s concern that the constitution will secularize the Jewish character of the state. A balance must be found to integrate all facets of society and maintain both the democratic and Jewish elements of the state.
Would Israel be better off with a new political system?
The proportional representative democracy is perhaps one of the weakest points of Israel. The proportional system, once hailed as a move toward a
more purely democratic order, instead became a method by which minority parties pass proposals while overriding the rest of the government agenda. It encourages multi-party coalition, which allows
disproportionate influence within the political factions. Furthermore, the parties often radically differ with each other, making it harder to take fast action.
With the minimal support o Israeli citizens in their governement, a new electoral system may be able to save the day.The current system gives rise to elections based on unfair
premises and conflicting interests, if not outright bribery. And by not electing the candidates directly, Israelis naturally will have less faith in their vote and in their leaders. Additionally when
there are so many parties and ideologies to choose from (compared to America’s two party system), extremist views are encouraged.
It is the current electoral system that breeds the corruption. Since citizens do not directly vote for a leader but rather for particular political parties, they do not know who
will sit in the Parliament. The system may also be a setback for domestic affairs since citizens from different districts do not have a specific representative in Parliament, and therefore
communities have no voice to air their needs.
Can Israel maintain its national identity?
This question begins with the exclusively Jewish symbols of the state, from the Star of David to the national anthem. To change the Jewish symbols however opposes the very reason
the state was founded in the first place, namely, to be the Jewish homeland. Should there be a day that the majority is primarily non-Jewish, the symbols might have to change. Professor Ruth Gavison,
Senior Advisor to the Knesset Constitution Committee, in her article “The Jews’ Right to Statehood: A Defense” argues that in a democracy, the majority has the right to define its symbolic elements
so long as it does not infringe on the basic rights of any citizen. Today, for Arab citizens to feel more integrated, they might add their own symbol to the upper-left-hand corner of a separate
Israeli flag, as suggested by Professor Yehezkel Dror of the Jerusalem Hebrew University.
Not only do non-Jews feel alienated by the national identity, many secular Israeli Jews also feel alienated by the state’s religiously coercive policies. For instance, the lack of
civil marriages means in Jewish wedding ceremonies in Israel, both spouses must web under the Orthodox Jewish law. To be officially recognized as married, one must get approval from a religious
authority. Citizens that do not want a religious marriage ceremony get married abroad. Such laws also prevent homosexual marriage or inter-marriage between Jews and Non-Jews to take place in the
state. Therefore, there are calls for change which might mean the future Israel will incorporate more choices to include a Reform Jewish service and a secular civil service.
Furthermore, least tolerable for Arabs and non-Jews is that public transport does not operate in most cities and many restaurants and services are shut. Meanwhile, Jewish stores
that are open may face boycott from religious communities. Drivers in the wrong neighborhood of Jerusalem may get rocks thrown at their cars in protest by extremists. The states general policy tries
to maintain a “spirit of Shabbat” without offending religious sensibilities. However, at the same time the policies can become a burden for other citizens of the state.
These issues all pose some very challenging questions on where to draw the line between maintaining a distinct Jewish identity and
not imposing religion on others. Yet no drastic change can be made regarding the ultimate Jewish identity of Israel without a tough fight.

What changes to the Demographics will there be?
Israel is like a soup with many flavors, brimming with ethnic and racial diversity but also boiling with contention. Quite simply, demographics always seem to be a hot topic. Key
issues that regularly worry politicians include whether the Jews will become a minority, or new immigrants fail to assimilate, or the loss of Israel’s brightest thinkers. Politicians always refer to
this situation as the “demographic threat.”
In regards to the threat that in the near future the Arabs will out-number the Jews, perhaps it is not as true as assumed. A recent study by Sergio Della Pergola, a renown demographer at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, predicts that the majority of Israel’s population in the year 2020 will still contain a large fraction of Jews. Groups which tend to raise larger families, including Arab-Israelis and ultra-Orthodox Jews, have grown in numbers but they will still constitute a minority. Yoram Ettinger, a member of the American-Israel Demographic Research Group, also suggests that the demographic changes among the Arab population will not be lethal; instead “we see for the first time since 1948, an equal Jewish fertility rate and Arab fertility rate.” For now, this issue should not be a big concern.
Another important controversy is that Israelis from different immigrant groups create societal divisions. Of course, the cultural diversity has enriched contributions to art, music and food from countries all around the world. However, discrimination still occurs. Russian and Ethiopian immigrants, for example, do not always feel socially integrated and accepted. Recent Israeli newspaper reports angrily pronounce that a school willingly segregated their Ethiopian students from their “white” Israeli classmates. The Lamerchav Elementary school in Petakh Tikva put the Ethiopian students in separate classrooms. The students were even assigned different recess hours than their peers to avoid social contact. Though the Ministry of Education was ignorant of this discriminatory system, it should serve as a wake-up call to the government to address existing prejudices. Nir Aviv, an Israeli citizen from Beersheva, remarked, “how can a country that doesn’t have peace between its own citizens makes peace with others?” Cohesion within Israeli society is a vital goal for our future generation. We must still hope and work for a future where no one in society feels foreign and no one faces discrimination.
Another fear regarding demographics is that the countries brightest, youngest and richest are all leaving! The rough estimate of Israelis abroad is 700,000. Though many claim that the move is only “temporary,” the effects are still devastating. Only a few months ago did one of the wealthiest Israeli entrepreneurs, Lev Leviev, decide to make his new residency in Britain, whilst the brightest Israeli students seem to be attracted to American Universities.
While in comparison to other countries, the willingness to fight and remain implanted in their state is far higher, the Herziliya 2006 Patriotism Survey noted a generational
decline in feelings of Israeli patriotism. Refusal to fight, once unheard of, now persists among one-seventh of Jewish citizens. Two in every five Israelis are prepared to leave the country if their
standard of living would be significantly improved aboard. These results point to a worrying picture for the future. If the next generation of Israeli’s lose the connection to their state’s identity,
then the future could be very different. What it takes to change this is to re-ignite the hope, that there’s something worth fighting for, that they won’t be fighting for eternity, and that they can
be proud of their State.

Will the Economy stay strong?
As of late, technology increasingly allows Israel’s economy to expand. The Russian aliyah of the 1990s brought thousands of highly
educated people to Israel. ICQ, computer chips, transformed Israel in the 1990s. Deregulation has brought Israel higher economic growth, but has also increased the gap between rich and poor. Economic
progress and strength depends on a strong educational system to harness the ingenuity of the Israeli people. This may be a problem because Israeli teachers make less money than any other advanced
industrialized nation. Since 2002, the amount of time Israeli children spend in school has declined. In fact, Israel has four separate systems: secular, religious Zionist (Orthodox), ultra-Orthodox,
and Arab. In addition, it would benefit Israel’s economy to attract the vast pool of Jewish talent in the Diaspora to Israel--to study, work and eventually make aliyah.
Through further research in solar energy, envision a world in which Israel’s environmental technology decreases our dependence on
Arab Oil. Three Israeli cities are presently engaging in vast expansions of public transportation to reduce gasoline usage: Tel Aviv with a Metro, Jerusalem with light rail, and Haifa with a
dedicated bus lines. Furthermore, California based “Project Better Place,” led by Israeli born Shai Agassi, has partnered with car maker Renault and the Israeli government to create an electric car
infrastructure for Israel and put thousands of electric cars on the road by 2010. Instead of merely plugging the cars into the wall, each station will switch out the car’s battery and put in a fully
charged battery much like you refill gas at a gas station. This model extends the range of electric cars and Israel’s government is endorsing the policy with zero tax on Agassi’s vehicles, a model
which Denmark soon hopes to follow. A Green Light to the Nations!

Will the Diaspora still care about Israel?
Relations with the Diaspora will depend, fundamentally, on how young Jews relate to Israel. Taglit has opened up Israel to a new generation of youth beyond those who grew up within
Zionist youth movements. On the other hand, increasing assimilation limits Jewish identity and also weakens ties to Israel.
Those that go on Taglit report feeling more connected to Israel and Judaism, a potential counter to assimilative pressures. American Jews of our generation need to utilize this
opportunity, granted not to just go to Israel as tourists, but engage in the country and play a small role in building it.
Through organic connections, translating to longer visits, volunteer projects we can transfer the Zionism so often expressed from the comfort of a couch to action. These programs
provide mutual strength to both communities--to the improvement of Jewish American communities, and to create a stronghold of a new generation of youth making Aliyah.

The future Israel--predicting a secure future? a divided Jerusalem? The real prospects for a future Palestinian state? Still more questions need to be answered. These are only a fraction of the questions and issues analysts are asking with regards to our young state. The dilemmas posed so far could have far-reaching effects on what Israel will become. The state we know and love can change for the best or the worst. We cannot sit back and wait. The decisions we make today are crucial in reshaping our future as a state, and as a nation.
In this age of challenge, in Israel and in the Diaspora, we must be like the generations that built the state and as willing to challenge the staid consensus and look at the
real situation of the Jewish people to survive. Despite 60 years of statehood, we are still not what Herzl defined as “a normal people”, and nor should we be, but should be a ‘light unto the
nations.’ Let us remember the idealism of the Kibbutz, of Hertzl’s Altneuland, and Jabinotinsky’s Three Mems, and use the practical knowledge of sixty years of statehood to implement that
idealism.


